The Dirty Fifteen
That defeat of the government did not augur well for the success of the public spending cuts plan, known as the Hausner plan, so the prime minister's dismay is hardly surprising. Still, the breathtaking novelty of his contribution to the theory of parliamentary democracy, that the job of the opposition is to support the government, stunned observers.
Since then, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) has been in intensive negotiations with the various opposition parties, trying to rally support for the Hausner plan. It has been an uphill task and the whining has intensified over the last week or so. When Civic Platform (PO) rejected the plan last Monday, saying the proposed measures were too little, too late, Jerzy Hausner, the deputy prime minister and economic policy supremo, did not conceal his disappointment. He admitted that PO had clearly stated it could not support any measures that would lead to an increase in overall tax burdens, which is precisely what the plan envisaged, but had still hoped that the main opposition party could somehow be convinced to change its mind.
No such luck, PO leaders made clear last week.
"Is this some kind of a provocation?" asked Zyta Gilowska, PO's public finance expert, referring to the plan's failure to meet any of the conditions the party had made for it to support the plan. It does not seem an unreasonable question. PO has always presented itself as the party of reason, always ready to support any measures to avert the systemic disaster that will inevitably stem from the levels of soaring public spending and debt-to-GDP ratio. But it has also made a point of being the pro-business party, one that supports low taxation. Whatever its verdict on the Hausner plan, one part of its image would suffer as a result.
Sure enough, SLD has been keen to portray the opposition's... well, opposition to the government austerity plan as social and political irresponsibility. In response, PO has pointed out its commitment to vote in favor of three of the bills that constitute the Hausner plan, which together amount to zł.13 million in public spending cuts.
But even as the government accused PO of betraying national interests through its failure to lend its unconditional support, the Law and Justice party (PiS) claimed the centrists were dancing with the devil and "drifting towards an exotic alliance" with SLD.
"You, gentlemen, have lost all credibility and you will rule together with SLD after the elections," thundered Roman Giertych, the leader of the far-right League of Polish Families (LPR), though he declined to elaborate exactly how lost credibility would ensure PO's electoral success.
While the centrist PO is drawing fire from all sides, another parliamentary party has gained in stature and power. Just a few weeks ago, Roman Jagieliński was widely seen as a laughable figure, a mustachioed farmer who has used his political connections to make a fortune out of commodity trading. Back in those days, Jagieliński could command the support of four deputies whose manifesto boiled down to making their boss agriculture minister.
Now, the leader of the 15-strong Federated Parliamentary Caucus (FKP), also known as the 'Dirty Fifteen', looks certain to become SLD's coalition partner and secure either his long-desired ministry, or the post of deputy speaker of parliament. Jagieliński's party's unofficial name stems from the record of its various members. Most of them were ejected from other parliamentary parties for misdemeanors, ranging from drunken disorderly behavior and fighting in the buildings of parliament to involvement in organized crime.
That is the group of people that now looks likely to vote the Hausner plan in. Considering their reputation, it's small wonder that they are easy to bribe with a few minor positions on the cabinet and in the administration. Some of them can even claim to have the experience necessary for the jobs they are likely to get in return for voting with the government. Mariusz Łapiński, the former health minister who orchestrated the national health service reform that has since been ruled unconstitutional, and Jagieliński himself, whose business did very well out of his time as agriculture minister, are just two examples. Michał Jagiełło, who warned local SLD politicians that they were being investigated for their involvement with the mafia, is clearly knowledgeable about law enforcement and could be appointed to the internal affairs ministry. And all the members of the FKP could easily front a government-backed campaign promoting abstinence from alcohol.
With such a coalition partner, the government can safely look forward to a bright future. And after the elections? That will be Prime Minister Andrzej Lepper's problem.
Since then, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) has been in intensive negotiations with the various opposition parties, trying to rally support for the Hausner plan. It has been an uphill task and the whining has intensified over the last week or so. When Civic Platform (PO) rejected the plan last Monday, saying the proposed measures were too little, too late, Jerzy Hausner, the deputy prime minister and economic policy supremo, did not conceal his disappointment. He admitted that PO had clearly stated it could not support any measures that would lead to an increase in overall tax burdens, which is precisely what the plan envisaged, but had still hoped that the main opposition party could somehow be convinced to change its mind.
No such luck, PO leaders made clear last week.
"Is this some kind of a provocation?" asked Zyta Gilowska, PO's public finance expert, referring to the plan's failure to meet any of the conditions the party had made for it to support the plan. It does not seem an unreasonable question. PO has always presented itself as the party of reason, always ready to support any measures to avert the systemic disaster that will inevitably stem from the levels of soaring public spending and debt-to-GDP ratio. But it has also made a point of being the pro-business party, one that supports low taxation. Whatever its verdict on the Hausner plan, one part of its image would suffer as a result.
Sure enough, SLD has been keen to portray the opposition's... well, opposition to the government austerity plan as social and political irresponsibility. In response, PO has pointed out its commitment to vote in favor of three of the bills that constitute the Hausner plan, which together amount to zł.13 million in public spending cuts.
But even as the government accused PO of betraying national interests through its failure to lend its unconditional support, the Law and Justice party (PiS) claimed the centrists were dancing with the devil and "drifting towards an exotic alliance" with SLD.
"You, gentlemen, have lost all credibility and you will rule together with SLD after the elections," thundered Roman Giertych, the leader of the far-right League of Polish Families (LPR), though he declined to elaborate exactly how lost credibility would ensure PO's electoral success.
While the centrist PO is drawing fire from all sides, another parliamentary party has gained in stature and power. Just a few weeks ago, Roman Jagieliński was widely seen as a laughable figure, a mustachioed farmer who has used his political connections to make a fortune out of commodity trading. Back in those days, Jagieliński could command the support of four deputies whose manifesto boiled down to making their boss agriculture minister.
Now, the leader of the 15-strong Federated Parliamentary Caucus (FKP), also known as the 'Dirty Fifteen', looks certain to become SLD's coalition partner and secure either his long-desired ministry, or the post of deputy speaker of parliament. Jagieliński's party's unofficial name stems from the record of its various members. Most of them were ejected from other parliamentary parties for misdemeanors, ranging from drunken disorderly behavior and fighting in the buildings of parliament to involvement in organized crime.
That is the group of people that now looks likely to vote the Hausner plan in. Considering their reputation, it's small wonder that they are easy to bribe with a few minor positions on the cabinet and in the administration. Some of them can even claim to have the experience necessary for the jobs they are likely to get in return for voting with the government. Mariusz Łapiński, the former health minister who orchestrated the national health service reform that has since been ruled unconstitutional, and Jagieliński himself, whose business did very well out of his time as agriculture minister, are just two examples. Michał Jagiełło, who warned local SLD politicians that they were being investigated for their involvement with the mafia, is clearly knowledgeable about law enforcement and could be appointed to the internal affairs ministry. And all the members of the FKP could easily front a government-backed campaign promoting abstinence from alcohol.
With such a coalition partner, the government can safely look forward to a bright future. And after the elections? That will be Prime Minister Andrzej Lepper's problem.
