The spy who came in from the cold
One of his chief responsibilities, overseeing secret services, is an area in which he allegedly has an enormous amount of experience.
In March 1995 Józef Oleksy became the first former Communist party member to head a Polish government since the dawn of democracy, only to be forced into resignation when it was alleged that he had spied for the Soviet, and then the Russian, intelligence services. The charges were eventually dropped due to a lack of any evidence, but the ghosts from the past have continued to haunt him, and Oleksy has once again been taken to court. This time round he was said to have been an informer for the secret police under the Communist regime. The trial has dragged on and is still underway, with no prospect of a quick resolution in sight.
Then again, there is perhaps no foundation to these allegations. Even so, Oleksy, whose chief responsibility will be public administration, boasts an impressive CV. He advanced from the secretaryship of the local Communist party organization in Biała Podlaska, to speaker of the parliament, and then prime minister. After spending the late 1990s in the political wilderness, he came back in style after his party's electoral triumph in 2001. As the head of the parliamentary commission for European affairs and deputy chairman of the Left Democratic Alliance (SLD), he has emerged as the most outspoken critic of the current prime minister within the ruling left. This has made him a natural ally for the president and earned him the reputation as the leader of SLD's modernizing wing. At the same time, he has developed a close political friendship with another SLD deputy, Izabella Sierakowska, known affectionately as the "Stalinist auntie" for her spirited defense of the previous regime's supposed achievements.
While this may seem to be a contradiction, it is nothing but typical of Józef Oleksy, renowned for his ability to answer any question both "yes" and "no." He will now need this skill more than ever, if he hopes to carry on his challenge to the current SLD leader in the new role of Miller's deputy in both the party and the government.
Oleksy's apparent promotion is, indeed, seen by many as another of Leszek Miller's tactical masterstrokes in the continuing political in-fighting within SLD. Even as pundits were wondering why such a clever man as Oleksy accepted the nomination, clearly meant to silence him, the president opened up the possibility of a new interpretation of the situation.
The president said last Wednesday that "it (Oleksy's nomination) was by no means the end of the surprises," fuelling speculation that the long-awaited resignation of Marek Pol, deputy prime minister and minister of infrastructure, was in the offing. The widely-derided Pol is the leader of SLD's coalition partner, the Labor Union (UP), and his party would only be able to accept his dismissal if its only popular politician Tomasz Nałęcz, chairman of the Rywingate commission, were brought into government.
Such a move could, however, wrench control of the government away from the premier's steely grasp, as Nałęcz, like Oleksy, is a member of the unofficial "party of the president's friends and relations." The prospect of two powerful and intelligent opponents on his cabinet proved, however, too much for Leszek Miller, who shrank from dismissing the incompetent Pol.
Instead, Treasury Minister Piotr Czyżewski was asked to resign and his ministry was temporarily given over to Jerzy Hausner, the so-called "super minister," who is already in charge of the economy, as well as labor and social policy. Once Czyżewski's replacement is named, which should be within the next few days, the country will have its fourth minister in charge of privatization in less than three years. The chances of the new man being able to improve on Leszek Miller's government's abysmal performance on this front are very small indeed. But that, as everyone by now must surely realize, is not what the periodical cabinet reshuffles under Leszek Miller's premiership are all about.
In March 1995 Józef Oleksy became the first former Communist party member to head a Polish government since the dawn of democracy, only to be forced into resignation when it was alleged that he had spied for the Soviet, and then the Russian, intelligence services. The charges were eventually dropped due to a lack of any evidence, but the ghosts from the past have continued to haunt him, and Oleksy has once again been taken to court. This time round he was said to have been an informer for the secret police under the Communist regime. The trial has dragged on and is still underway, with no prospect of a quick resolution in sight.
Then again, there is perhaps no foundation to these allegations. Even so, Oleksy, whose chief responsibility will be public administration, boasts an impressive CV. He advanced from the secretaryship of the local Communist party organization in Biała Podlaska, to speaker of the parliament, and then prime minister. After spending the late 1990s in the political wilderness, he came back in style after his party's electoral triumph in 2001. As the head of the parliamentary commission for European affairs and deputy chairman of the Left Democratic Alliance (SLD), he has emerged as the most outspoken critic of the current prime minister within the ruling left. This has made him a natural ally for the president and earned him the reputation as the leader of SLD's modernizing wing. At the same time, he has developed a close political friendship with another SLD deputy, Izabella Sierakowska, known affectionately as the "Stalinist auntie" for her spirited defense of the previous regime's supposed achievements.
While this may seem to be a contradiction, it is nothing but typical of Józef Oleksy, renowned for his ability to answer any question both "yes" and "no." He will now need this skill more than ever, if he hopes to carry on his challenge to the current SLD leader in the new role of Miller's deputy in both the party and the government.
Oleksy's apparent promotion is, indeed, seen by many as another of Leszek Miller's tactical masterstrokes in the continuing political in-fighting within SLD. Even as pundits were wondering why such a clever man as Oleksy accepted the nomination, clearly meant to silence him, the president opened up the possibility of a new interpretation of the situation.
The president said last Wednesday that "it (Oleksy's nomination) was by no means the end of the surprises," fuelling speculation that the long-awaited resignation of Marek Pol, deputy prime minister and minister of infrastructure, was in the offing. The widely-derided Pol is the leader of SLD's coalition partner, the Labor Union (UP), and his party would only be able to accept his dismissal if its only popular politician Tomasz Nałęcz, chairman of the Rywingate commission, were brought into government.
Such a move could, however, wrench control of the government away from the premier's steely grasp, as Nałęcz, like Oleksy, is a member of the unofficial "party of the president's friends and relations." The prospect of two powerful and intelligent opponents on his cabinet proved, however, too much for Leszek Miller, who shrank from dismissing the incompetent Pol.
Instead, Treasury Minister Piotr Czyżewski was asked to resign and his ministry was temporarily given over to Jerzy Hausner, the so-called "super minister," who is already in charge of the economy, as well as labor and social policy. Once Czyżewski's replacement is named, which should be within the next few days, the country will have its fourth minister in charge of privatization in less than three years. The chances of the new man being able to improve on Leszek Miller's government's abysmal performance on this front are very small indeed. But that, as everyone by now must surely realize, is not what the periodical cabinet reshuffles under Leszek Miller's premiership are all about.
