People behind glass panes throwing stones
The names of some of Poland's best known politicians are cropping up in the unlikeliest of places. They are emerging from behind the bullet-proof pane of glass shielding 14 men who stand accused of running the "Pruszków gang," one of Poland's two most notorious organized crime rings.
In the first week of the hearings, the first of their kind in Poland, five alleged mobsters, nicknamed Wańka, Malizna, Bolo, Parasol and Kajtek pleaded "not guilty," nonchalantly refused to answer questions from the prosecution and proceeded to namecheck Poland's leading public figures.
Parasol, in the two years leading up to the trial behind bars, claimed that during his questioning he was probed on his connection to a Mr. Wałęsa, with particular emphasis on a Mr. Miller and his brother. He also denied that the Pruszków gang ever existed, accusing Solidarnoć labor union chief Marian Krzaklewski and former interior ministry director Marek Biernacki of inventing the mob as a ticket to the 2000 presidential campaign.
Kajtek claimed that Lech Kaczyński, leader of the Justice and Law (PiS) party and a former justice minister, was persuaded by Biernacki to make Masa, one of the 14 accused men, the state's witness in the trial despite contrary recommendations from the prosecution.
Contrasts with the trials of Sicily's mafiosi in the 1980s inevitably loom large. The legendary trials shook the fabric of the Italian state to its foundations when veteran politico Giulio Andriotti, who served five times as the country's prime minister, eventually found himself accused of aiding and abetting the mafia. Andriotti escaped the rap, but his political career never recovered. Is it conceivable that the trial of the "Pruszków gang" could have the same repercussions for some of Poland's politicians?
Mirroring the Italian proceedings, the Warsaw trial is taking place in a purpose-built high-security courtroom in a former military installation in the Bemowo district of Warsaw. After last week's closed hearings, which involved the intensive questioning of the state's witnesses, this week will see further cross-examination of the accused. Court authorities expect the trial to continue for several months.
The five men are the alleged leaders of the "Pruszków gang", together with a sixth suspect, Andrzej Zieliński, or Słowik (Nightingale), who awaits extradition to Poland from Spain. They are charged with establishing the gang and running its day-to-day business of fencing stolen cars, extortion and the manufacture and sale of illegal drugs, as well as armed robbery and murder.
The main thrust of the assault on the "Pruszków gang" took place in 2000, when the media resounded with rumors of connections between the gang and prominent politicians, including Ireneusz Sekuła, a former deputy prime minister, head of the Central Board of Customs (GUC) and parliamentarian for the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD).
The most chilling speculations surrounded the killing of sports minister Jacek Dębski in April 2001 outside a restaurant on Warsaw's east bank named, by the greatest of coincidental ironies, Casa Nostra. The main suspect in the killing, Tadeusz M., took the secret of Dębski's death with him when he committed suicide in his Kraków cell in June, taking the traditional exit route of hanging himself on a rope made from his sheets.
The case rests on the testimony of five men who have turned state's witnesses, with the testimonies of Jarosław Sokołowski, nicknamed Masa, carrying the most weight. The alleged gang's defence lawyers have a clear strategy - to disqualify Masa as a credible witness by proving his involvement in organized crime. But this is not the only problem for the prosecution. Masa already has a dubious track record as a state's witness. He has previously testified against Wańka on cocaine dealing charges, but failed to secure a conviction.
Last week the court closed its doors to the press to put Masa's testimony under intense scrutiny. Can these extraordinary hearings deliver a final end to speculation about the connections between organized crime and Polish politics? Few observers believe this is possible, at this time. The investigations leading up to this trial did not find evidence to support any of the state witnesses' testimony in this area. But then the investigations leading to the trial of Andreotti only began after the imprisonment of Cosa Nostra supremo Salvatore Riina and then two more years of intense investigations. Perhaps a long story begins here
