Stand well back
By : Marek Matraszek
Few people can have predicted even a couple of weeks ago the degree to which Poland would have been thrown into chaos just two months before elections that will decide the fate of Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek's government. In what almost seems like the outbreak of a fathomless death wish, the government appears intent on completely compromising itself before the electorate, and more depressingly, in front of the international community. Even those who in the past have been staunch supporters of the government are silently praying for Sept. 23 to hurry up and finally put it out of its misery.
By the time this article hits the streets, there may be more casualties of the current swathe of corruption scandals, but at the last count two more victims were claimed. Following the recent arrest of the assistant to the deputy defense minister on charges of illicit possession of secret defense tender documents, and the dismissal of the minister himself, Buzek dismissed the hapless communications minister due to the Supreme Board of Inspection's (NIK) report that as a result of "irregularities" in the Telecommunications Ministry, millions of zlotys had been lost. Although no charges of corruption were made, Telecommunications Minister Tomasz Szyszko was made to pay the price for his perceived complicity in the activities of his advisers and subordinates. Then there was the arrest of one of Poland's top state managers, the former boss of the state life insurance monopoly, PZU Zycie, again on charges of fraud. Interior Minister Marek Biernacki has warned that there are more than 90 investigations into corruption pending, and that more surprises are in store. No one doubts Biernacki's determination to bring crooks to heel and that it indeed is shaping up to be a long hot summer for some.
The immediate effect of the swathe of scandals and arrests has been to infect government offices with an almost paranoid fear, effectively paralyzing decision making at many levels as suddenly junior and senior officials realize that to sign any pieces of paper that involve winners or losers in tenders for example may lay them open to charges of irregularities at some point. Few want to lay themselves open to criticism either now or under the next government, so essentially key administrative decisions are in limbo.
The second result predictably has been to further ratchet up support for the opposition Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), which in reality could easily take a well-earned holiday for most of August and just turn up on election day to pick up the seals of office in the next government. Such is the distaste of ordinary Poles toward a government that four years ago came to power claiming it was to introduce a "new beginning" that there is every prospect of the SLD obtaining a thumping overall majority in the next Parliament, despite the existence of a proportional representation system.
The current arrests and investigations make for excellent journalistic fodder in what is normally the Polish silly season, but soon questions will surely be asked about the judgement and perhaps worse of Buzek himself. It is no secret that the prime minister was being warned about crooks and tricksters in his entourage and government almost from day one when the government took power in 1997. Throughout 1998, 1999, and 2000 hardly a month went by without the Warsaw political rumor mill working overtime about this or that minister or official cutting some shady deal. Buzek's reaction at that time was to ignore the protests of wiser counsel and to cover up many things that should have led to dismissal or at least investigation. The reason? The fact is that was Buzek's job in the first place to guarantee a network of interests that had grown up around Solidarity leader Marian Krzaklewski and the Solidarity Election Action (AWS) party. From the beginning Krzaklewski had wanted to utilize his time in office to build up an economic empire to compete with that which was controlled by the post-communists.
The result was a lax atmosphere, favoring corruption in high places, so ultimately the source of the current problems lies with Buzek himself. For about six months, Buzek has been freed of Krzaklewski's control as a result of the latter's defeat in last year's presidential elections. At the same time, Buzek has calculated that a last-minute anti-corruption drive is what may yet turn the electoral tide in AWS' favor. The true result, however, is only to plunge Poland into total administrative chaos, make it the laughing stock of the Western press, and to allow the SLD to don the mantle of politicians who will "clean house" after the elections. Had Buzek commenced his crusade four years ago, he would have saved himself a substantial amount of trouble today. As it is, he has unleashed forces that may yet consume the prime minister himself.
Marek Matraszek is the Warsaw director of CEC Government Relations. He can be e-mailed at director@cec.com.pl
